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Nation
Revisited
The
road to sanity
The sovereign debt crisis is international. Most
developed countries have unacceptable levels of debt and are taking steps to
reduce government spending and raise more in taxes. Even the USA and Germany
are trimming their budgets.
Borrowing was the easy option during the boom years but
loans are much harder to come by since the credit crunch. The banks have been
massively subsidised by national governments but they have written off billions
in unpaid loans are not keen to lend to countries already submerged in debt.
This situation has nothing whatever to do with the euro;
Britain, Japan and the USA are not in the eurozone but they are still in
trouble. The financial ‘experts’ of Canary Wharf have been predicting the
collapse of the euro for the past ten years. But it’s now a world reserve
currency with a queue of states waiting to join. When Ambrose Evans-Pritchard
goes to meet his chief broker the euro will still be going strong.
It is not what the tokens in your pocket are called that
matters; you can call them dollars, yen, pounds, zlotys or whatever you like.
What matters is the strength of the economy that issues them and the confidence
that they inspire in trading partners and investors.
The trouble with the eurozone is that it’s not a
monolithic economy but a lose currency union.
Member states are still vulnerable to the international loan sharks because
they have their own reserves and credit ratings. The European Central Bank
gives some protection but a genuinely united Europe would provide the security
of being on a big ship in a storm.
Most of the southern states of the USA would be bankrupt
if they were independent. Even the great state of California depends on the
federal government. But the United States of America still has a good credit
rating. She might be the world’s biggest debtor nation but President Obama
would find it easier to get a loan that the president of a poor but frugal
country. The USA is a huge country with abundant resources, a record of outstanding
industrial achievement and an economy that’s still growing at 2.8%. Americans
are united as one nation with one currency and one economy but Europeans are
still divided.
Britain’s problem is that we have gone from employing 50%
of our labour in manufacturing industry in 1960 to 15% now. The rise of
containerised shipping and the booming low cost economies of Brazil, India and
China have transformed our economy. We still make high tech equipment and
pharmaceuticals but most of our cars and domestic goods are imported. We are
now far too reliant on service industries and banking.
Some people believe that the Third World invasion of the
UK and the decline of our industry are part of a deliberate conspiracy.
Certainly the Labour government saw immigrants as potential supporters and
welcomed the influx. But it’s more
likely that these things happened because governments had no idea what they
were doing. Cheap imports and cheap labour seemed a good idea until the bubble
burst. Our politicians were always too greedy and too stupid to look ahead.
They were geared up to a five year parliamentary cycle and incapable of seeing
beyond the next general election.
As a result of their criminal short-sightedness we are
blessed with millions of immigrants, chronic unemployment and vast tracts of
industrial wasteland. Most of our best
known brands are now foreign owned and the Japanese car plants, like Honda in
Swindon, use agency labour to avoid paying for holidays, sickness and pensions.
Workers who fought for years for decent conditions are now forced to work on a day
to day basis for reduced rates of pay. Maggie Thatcher’s dream of a ‘flexible
economy’ has come to pass.
The upside is that ‘open door’ politicians have run out
of credibility. Nobody still believes that we need Third World immigration.
Even the Labour Party now has an immigration control policy. The party that has
done even more than the others to swamp us with the surplus population of Africa,
Asia and the Americas has at last acknowledged that we do not have jobs and
houses for them.
The road back to sanity will be long and hard but at
least we have taken the first steps. We must be as self sufficient as possible
and realise that we are not a great world empire sending industrial goods to a
captive markets in return for cheap food. We must grasp these simple facts and
stop trying to feed and defend half the world.
European solidarity
We all know that George Orwell and Laurie Lee fought for
the International Brigade during the Spanish Civil War. Their efforts have been
glorified in leftwing literature but some Britons fought for the winning side
and helped to save Spain from communism. These included writers and academics
as well as adventurers.
Peter Kemp was a lieutenant in a Carlist unit who
recorded events in his 1957 autobiography “Mine Were of Trouble.” He later
became a member of British Special Forces operating behind enemy lines in
Europe and Asia. His book is hard to find, it
was recently offered on e-bay for £90.
Frank Thomas was badly wounded fighting in the Spanish
Legion. His memoire “Brother Against Brother” is reckoned to be one of the
finest accounts of the Spanish Civil War. It is available from Amazon.
Peter Keen was a British fascist who fought for the
Nationalists and won one of their highest decorations. After fighting for the
Finns against the Soviet Union he joined the British Airborne Division and
proudly wore his Spanish medal ribbon on his tunic. His commanding officer
admonished him for this but he quoted the section of King’s Regulations that
says that all decorations must be worm.
Andrew Fountaine fought in the Spanish Civil War and
later served in the Royal Navy where he rose from the rank of Ordinary Seaman
to Lt Commander. His book “The Meaning of an Enemy” was serialised in Combat the newspaper of the 1960s BNP of
which he was President. He co-founded the National Front in 1967 but later
broke away to lead the short-lived NF Constitutional Movement.
John Amery smuggled arms and ammunition to Franco’s
forces. He was hanged for treason in December 1945 for recruiting British POWs
to fight for Germany. He was a pioneering European Unionist who considered WW1
to be a crusade against bolshevism. His recruiting pamphlet was called “England
and Europe.”
The Irish sent 700 Blueshirts to fight for General Franco
as the 15th Bandera under General Eoin O’Duffy. They were
nationalists fighting for an international cause alongside thousands of
Italian, German and Romanian volunteers.
They believed in European solidarity but some of their
modern counterparts support the kind of ever decreasing nationalism that has broken
up Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia and now threatens the unity of Belgium, Spain,
Italy, Russia and the United Kingdom.
Attempts by far-right parties to come together in Europe
are bedevilled by the very nationalism they preach. The ITS bloc collapsed in
2007 when Alessandra Mussolini upset the Greater Romanian Party. Far from being united by a common ideology
they are mutually hostile. Europeans can work together but people who imagine
that they are racially superior will obviously find it hard to work with ‘lesser
mortals.’
The BNP has joined a new alliance of minor parties that
includes east Europeans. But their newspaper Voice of Freedom (printed in Slovakia) competes with the Daily Mail in reporting horror stories
about ‘foreigners’ stealing British jobs. We all love our country and take pride
in our nation’s achievements but the far-right harbours fantasies that are at
odds with their membership of a pan-European party. It’s not surprising that
they have gravitated towards Zionism when they share the same paranoid
obsession that the whole world is against them. If they want to succeed in the
European Parliament they need to abandon insularity and learn to live with
their neighbours.
Fiends
& Their Friends Show Their Chutzpah - Mau Mau Beasts Claim Compo
In 1952 a State of Emergency was declared in the then
British colony by the government of Kenya. An African secret society known as
Mau Mau, largely based among the majority Kikuyu tribe, and whose aims included
the removal of British rule and European settlers, had degenerated into the
most violent sorts of barbarism, having begun by practising black magic and the
administration of blood oaths.
A London based “human rights law firm,” Day & Co
Solicitors, working in cahoots with the “Kenya Human Rights Commission” who in
turn are acting on behalf of “The Mau Mau Veterans Association” issued a test
claim on behalf of five “veterans” in London in June 2009.
The Solicitor Martyn Day, who has naturally applied for
legal aid said, “This will be the first time the British government has had to
account for its terrible deeds. This case is about justice for those
individuals who had a terrible, terrible time. A number of them suffered from
castration. Women suffered from horrendous sexual abuse. Many, many Mau Mau
were beaten, tortured and killed. This case is about bringing all these issues
before the British court and for a British judge to say, what we did was wrong.”
Scotland Yard is to investigate claims that British
officials, troops and settlers were responsible for a catalogue of atrocities
during the Mau Mau reign of terror more than half a century ago.
No one would deny that some excesses were committed
against Mau Mau prisoners, particularly at the Hola Camp. The excesses were
overwhelmingly the work of native troops outraged by Mau Mau atrocities aimed
at them, their families and animals and frustrated by official refusal to
sanction precisely the kind of treatment of which the British are now accused.
Apart from the obvious delight being taken by “the usual
suspects” in yet another engineered opportunity to bash the tremendous
achievements of the British and our Empire what an opportunity this is for
White liberals and self-haters to revel in self-loathing and for Candour and its allies to expose them.
This is an extraordinary opportunity for us to engage in
a broad-based campaign for truth in history based on a specific subject, place
and time. To expose the realities of Mau Mau, the vileness of their blood oaths
and initiation ceremonies. To publicise the realities of their slaughter of
white settlers and servicemen; to expose the torture and mass murder of tens of
thousands of their fellow Africans including black policemen, officials and
tribal chiefs and elders.
Kenya became independent by 1963 and although the Mau Mau
was effectively crushed by the British and loyal African troops by 1959
(for which white liberal Marxists hate themselves and us even more) the Mau Mau
remained proscribed as a terrorist movement in Kenya until 2003! Its atrocities did not cease at independence
but continue to be committed today although the organisations later day
successors are known as Mungiki.
A
challenging future
The result of the 2010 UK general election was exactly
predicted by the exit poll. The opinion pollsters are so good at forecasting
elections that there’s little point in holding them. The contest was a draw
between the two main parties resulting in a hastily arranged coalition between
the Tories and the Lib Dems. It could almost have been arranged without an
election and it would be even more representative if it included the Labour
Party. The only argument was whether to slash spending now or later. All parties
agree about continuing the war in Afghanistan until “the job is done” -
whatever that means. They even agree about stopping immigration. We now have a
coalition government that intends to stay in power for five years by working
together and accepting compromise.
The Tories have promised a referendum on proportional
representation and the Lib Dems have agreed to a cap on immigration and
abandoned their plans to pardon illegal immigrants and bogus asylum
seekers. The Jurassic wing of the Tory
Party has been silenced and their spokesmen are on their best behaviour so as
not to upset their coalition partners.
Britain now has a broadly representative government in
which extremists are neutralised. If they can hold together and reduce our
crippling level of debt we stand some chance of emerging from the recession.
Their next goal must be to increase manufacturing and get people back to work.
Cheap imports are not so cheap when you include the cost of keeping unemployed
workers on the dole. The coalition government must not make the same mistake as
Margaret Thatcher by abandoning social responsibility to market forces.
Employment is about more than making money; it gives men and women the chance to
contribute.
Nobody would have believed that the Old Gang would turn
against deficit spending and mass immigration. But events have forced them act
in the national interest; they have run out of credit and been forced to
balance the books. We are on the road to recovery after years of irresponsible
government.
When we have reduced the debt mountain and revived
industry we must look at our place in the world. We do not have to be an
American dependency and our army doesn’t have to be run from the Pentagon.
Global capitalism is not about to go away but we can at least protect ourselves
from its worst excesses; the twin evils of mass immigration and cheap labour
imports.
There is already a government scheme to help immigrants
to return to their own countries. It would be cheaper to fund this scheme that
to keep millions of them on benefits. We
should start be deporting all illegal immigrants, bogus asylum seekers, dole
scroungers and criminals, then we should encourage repatriation with incentives
and a massive publicity campaign. We could use the foreign aid budget to
reverse the social and economic disaster of Third World immigration.
We are never going to be a white country again but we can
stop the influx and reclaim our culture. Those non-Europeans who remain here
must respect British laws and customs. If Somalis do not want their children to
learn a musical instrument they should go back to Somalia. Music is an integral
part of our culture. Instead of changing our ways to suit immigrants they
should be the ones to change.
We are a post imperial country in the process of
reconstruction. We have wasted half a century pretending to be a world power,
Let us now rebuild our economy to suit geo-political reality and train our
young people to be engineers and scientists instead of filling their heads with
Utopian claptrap.
First we must dismantle the sprawling race relations
industry. Organisations like the Equality and Human Rights Commission do not
promote equality they create division. People like Trevor Phillips are paid
huge salaries for winding up blacks and Asians and annoying whites. They must
all be sacked and retrained to do something useful. The future will be
challenging but we must succeed.
Tactics
The National Front in the 1970s was famous for its
rallies and marches. This was long before the Internet made it possible to
reach thousands of people. Following Colin Jordan’s ill-fated Trafalgar Square
meeting of 1962 it became increasingly difficult for Union Movement or the far-
right movements to book public halls or hold street meetings. Several meetings
were attacked by red mobs and every venue was a potential battle zone. This
lasted until the NF became strong enough to resist red violence. By the early
seventies they were holding marches all over the country and attracting
newspaper and television coverage. This established the NF brand name and
resulted in their impressive election results of 1973-1974.
But some people thought that confrontation with the reds
would put off potential supporters. Pre-war fascist Bill Barnes writing under
the name of Athelstan in the June
1974 issue of Nation (the first
incarnation of this newsletter) warned:
Has
the time come for the National Front to abandon the romantic ritual of marches
and rallies? Not completely, perhaps, but the march/rally/demonstration is
heady stuff, to be used sparingly. The romanticists amongst us are stirred by
the sight of waving banners, the beat of the drums, the chanting voices and the
comradeship. But if we are to get the mass support to which we have a claim we
must avoid the appearance of over aggressiveness, of “trailing our coat tails,”
in short of ‘fascism’; the bogey of British political folk lore...
Now
we are politically credible let us advance by political means. The
Conservative, Liberal and Labour parties seldom find it advantageous to hold
marches, rallies or anything other than indoor meetings. Should we feature them
so frequently we stand the risk of being considered jejune and provocative, a
sort of militarised Boy Scout movement with sinister undertones.
The
man in the street has a fear of party dictatorship. Economic tyranny he is
enduring; financial dictatorship he has long endured; but the thought of a
Martin Mosley or Oswald Webster as Gauleiter of Greater London moves him to
terrified reaction to the benefit of the liberal democrats.
As well as being effective marches and rallies were part
of a political tradition going back to the 1930s. The British Union of Fascists
defied the reds to hold some of the largest political demonstrations ever seen
in Britain. Mosley defended his actions
in his 1961 book Mosley Right or Wrong:
The
fact is that this sort of thing has always gone on in British politics, but it
went beyond a joke when organised red violence brought an end to every meeting
of which they disapproved. This happened in the thirties and if anyone who grew
up later doubts the facts, he can easily verify them for himself from
contemporary records. Endless instances were quoted in the press during that
period of lesser Conservative meetings being smashed up all over the place by
the extremes of red violence. It was just impossible to hold a meeting unless
you were approved by the red tyranny. What we did was to bring violence to an
end. When we have a chance we always bring violence to an end.
The National Front always denied being a fascist movement
but historians Kenneth Lunn and Richard Thurlow compared their policies and
tactics to the BUF in their 1980 book British
Fascism:
Moving
away from the content of NF ideology to its presentation, classic fascist
features are apparent. Many phrases are virtually the same as Mosley’s: the
‘bankruptcy’ and ‘decadence’ of modern institutions; the ineptitude of the ‘Old
Gang’; the ‘flabby weakness’ of ‘tired politicians’; the ‘inevitability’ of the
‘oncoming crisis’ etc. The whole tenor is that of ‘the modern movement’, the
vehicle for the much needed revolution in government. It alone has the ‘spirit’
and ‘will’ to resist Britain’s enemies; that indeed is why it is the subject of
such vile abuse. No other organisation can provide the force necessary for the
building of a modern, strong and national state. And whilst a militaristic
flavour is held in check, the NF none the less attempts to demonstrates
strength in much the same way as did the BUF: by provocatively marching, often
to the rhythm of a steady drumbeat, through sensitive inner city areas amidst
protestations of the need to preserve law and order.
Martin Webster’s tactics as National Activities Organiser
of the NF must be seen in their historical context. Faced with a ban on
meetings, and a press boycott, marches and rallies were the only way of getting
publicity. But he was well aware of the
risks involved:
If
the name of the NF can be associated in the public mind more with violent
incidents than with legitimate political expression, then a potentially serious
threat to the Government could be neutralized. In giving the wink to the Red
terrorists, the Government is deliberately encouraging a post-war tradition of
violent conflict along the lines of that which existed in the 1930s, in the
hope that the emergent Nationalist movement will dissipate, discredit and
neutralize itself after the manner of the Mosleyites... it is vital that
Nationalists observe a strict discipline and refrain from any precipitate
action. (Martin Webster quoted by Martin Walker in The National Front 1977)
The choice between active and passive campaigning is
still being debated more than thirty years later. Writing in Spearhead in
November 1978 John Tyndall adopted an uncharacteristic middle-of-the-road
position:
Democracy
in its liberal form has abandoned Order in its headlong pursuit of Freedom;
Fascism in the urgent quest for Order may well have gone too far in that quest
and jeopardised Freedom. We may look at Liberal Democracy and Fascism as
providing respectively thesis and antithesis. Our task now is to achieve
synthesis.
Following Margaret Thatcher’s landslide election victory
of 1979 the NF went into decline and their great marches were eventually
abandoned. The current far-right
movements are constrained by legislation as well as the threat of organised
violence. During the 2010 general election campaign there were several attacks
on BNP members, some of them resulting in serious injury. But private meetings
are still held and opinions are still divided on the question of marches and
the wider debate about image and presentation.
The BNP claims 15,000 members. They have two seats on the
European Parliament, one member of the Greater London Assembly and more than a
score of councillors. But their performance at Barking was a bitter
disappointment. They got wiped out at council level and suffered a setback in
the parliamentary contest. Their attempt to get Nick Griffin elected as their
first MP did not succeed. The white working class who have been consistently
discriminated against by the Labour Party still gave their votes to the
unspeakable Margaret Hodge.
But they still managed to capture 14.5% of the local vote
and cannot be ignored. The nationwide protest against unrestricted immigration
has prompted the government to act and proves that sustained political action
can make a difference. The far-right will never come to power in the United
Kingdom. Big business is against them and they lack credible policies and a
charismatic leader, but they can influence public opinion and that is what
democracy is all about.
